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Keally McBride's Punishment and Political Order explores a paradox: punishment potentially reinforces and undermines legitimate democratic authority. McBride works through this paradox using a range of texts and devices. She draws her arguments from analysis of fictional texts, specifically Kafka's "In the Penal Colony," and political philosophy, including Locke, Nietzsche, Grotius, Bentham, Foucault, and Agamben. She employs examples of punishment in U.S. prisons historically (e.g., Eastern State Penitentiary) and currently (e.g., Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo). McBride also weaves into her analysis contemporary data from public opinion polls, news reports, prison studies, and comparisons between the United States and other countries. This slim book, in other words, covers a lot of ground. McBride has also achieved her goal of producing a "smart and pleasurable" book to read. (ix)

This paper is a case study of Brazilian industrialists' attitudes towards changes in labor relations during the transition to democracy. It is based on extensive interviews with 155 industrial elites in Brazil during 1987-1988. It explores why business elites can and will tolerate democracy, even when it does not always act in their specific interests. It focuses on four key variables in the transition period: 1) the degree of radicalism in society; 2) the pace of change; 3) business elites' institutional channels; and 4) business elites' political strength.

IN THIS PAPER I FOCUS on the relationship between public confessions by perpetrators of past state authoritarian violence, and reconciliation. 1 This connection functions theo- retically: perpetrators of violence admit to what they did and apologize for it. In so doing, they advance the truth about the past and accountability for those crimes. This allows for both individual and societal reconciliation. Individuals can only begin the mourning and grieving process after they know the truth about what happened. Perpe- trators' confessions also confirm individual victims' accounts, previously discredited by authoritarian regime supporters as lies and ideological vendettas. On the societal level, when those who committed political violence admit to it, they make it nearly impossible for regime supporters to claim that the violence did not occur. By partici- pating in the transition process, confessions therefore provide perpetrators of violence with a role to play in building a new society. Some recent transitional justice mechanisms have embodied this relationship between confessions and reconciliation. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), for example, provided perpetrators of apartheid era violence with amnesty in exchange for their confession. Similarly, the recently created gacaca courts in Rwanda give perpetrators charged with genocide an opportunity to reduce their prison sentences in exchange for their confessions and community service. Interna- tional Criminal Tribunals, such as that organized in the former Yugoslavia, establish a similar relationship, as the testimony of perpetrators is recorded with an ultimate goal of justice and healing for the society.

Democracy or Corporations" were the words that appeared on posters and in graffiti on the March 26, 2014 commemoration of the 1976 coup in Argentina. Those words capture the efforts that the country has begun in holding businesses accountable for their role in the military regime's repressive apparatus. It might not be surprising that Argentina, as the world leader in transitional justice innovations, might add corporate accountability to its set of accomplishments. The puzzle underlying this chapter, however, is whether other countries will follow Argentina's lead or if the factors shaping the corporate accountability processes in Argentina are unique and nontransferable to other contexts. We thus explore Argentina's efforts in a comparative framework and also attempt to build a theoretical link connecting accountability for business complicity with the broader transitional justice field. To fulfill these objectives we raise and address the following questions: Why and when should corporate accountability become a new focus within transitional justice? Where and how are these transitional justice innovations occurring? We conclude with some reflections on the question of what factors contribute to success in achieving transitional justice goals through accountability for corporate complicity. Our responses to these questions draw on our cross-national research on accountability for corporate complicity, with a particular focus on Argentina in a comparative context. Transitional Justice and Corporate Complicity: Why and When Traditionally, transitional justice (hereafter TJ) has focused on the behavior of states and their direct associates in perpetrating human rights violations. The definition of TJ and its practice, however, have not excluded non-state actors as targets for accountability. TJ could thus be extended to include corporate accountability for complicity in past dictatorships and civil conflict, as we argue in this chapter. TJ has been defined as a response to "systematic or widespread violations of ...

'Democracia o corporaciones', eran las palabras que aparecían en carteles y graftis el 26 de marzo de 2014 en Argentina, en la conmemoración del golpe de 1976. Esas palabras reflejan los esfuerzos que el país ha emprendido para hacer responsables a las empresas por su papel en el accionar represivo del régimen militar. No sería sorprendente que Argentina, como líder mundial innovador en materia de justicia transicional, sumara la responsabilidad civil corporativa al conjunto de sus logros. La interrogante que subyace en este ensayo, no obstante, es si otros países podrán seguir el ejemplo de Argentina, o si los factores que determinan los procesos de responsabilidad corporativa en ese país son únicos e intransferibles a otros contextos. Así, este trabajo explora los esfuerzos de Argentina en un marco comparativo, e intenta también construir un vínculo teórico que conecte la rendición de cuentas por complicidad corporativa con el campo más amplio de la justicia transicional. Para cumplir con estos objetivos, planteamos y abordamos las siguientes preguntas: ¿Por qué y cuándo la rendición de cuentas corporativa debería convertirse en un nuevo enfoque dentro de la justicia transicional? ¿Dónde y cómo se producen estas innovaciones en la justicia de transición? Concluimos con algunas reflexiones sobre los factores que contribuyen a que se logren las metas de la justicia transicional mediante la rendición de cuentas por complicidad corporativa. Las respuestas a estas preguntas se basan en nuestra investigación transnacional sobre la rendición de cuentas por complicidad corporativa, en un contexto comparativo y con enfoque particular en Argentina.

Right-wing movements in Latin America play a significant role in the region's political life. In this sense, they are not distinct from those analysed in Europe or the United States. Nonetheless, these movements have not generated anything like the level of analysis of their counterparts in those regions. They remain woefully understudied. This paper attempts to fill that void by analysing right-wing movements in one of the countries in the region. We use Brazil as a case study to discuss the rise of right-wing mobilization, particularly focussing on backlash to gender and LGBT rights, in Latin America. We do so by looking at how creating a moral panic around topics such as "family threat" set up anti-rights opportunities. We finish with a discussion on the impact of right wing movements for democracy in Brazil, in the region and beyond.

Transitional justice (e.g., trials, truth commissions, and reparations for past state-sponsored violence) has occurred throughout the world since the mid-1970s. Whilea corresponding literature has grown around the topic, little attention has been paidto the political economy of this phenomenon. Of the few scholars who address thisissue, Jon Elster contends that where more pressing economic concerns prevail andnew democracies face hard economic constraints, they are unlikely to adopt costlytransitional justice mechanisms. This approach has led some to explain the differencein levels of commitment to transitional justice in countries transitioning from Com-munism in the former Soviet Union and those transitioning from authoritarian rulein Latin America. This hypothesis, however, has never been empirically tested. Thepurpose of this paper is to do exactly that. It asks: does the economic health and in-tegration of a country help us to determine its adoption or dismissal of transitionaljustice mechanisms? The results of this inquiry have important implications in under-standing the implementation (if any) of transitional justice mechanisms. To unravelthese questions, we use the Transitional Justice Data Base that we have developed.The data used in this paper include all countries that have transitioned to democracybetween 1974 - 2003. We nd that countries with healthier economies are more likelyto adopt transitional justice mechanisms. Contrary to our hypothesis, however, eco-nomically integrated countries are less likely to adopt transitional justice mechanisms

The global transitional justice tool kit—involving the use of criminal prosecutions, amnesties, and other mechanisms to address past human rights abuse—has become a primary means for thwarting future human rights violations and consolidating democracy. Nevertheless, evidence on the consequences of transitional justice remains mixed and amenable to contradictory interpretations. Existing studies fail to adequately address issues of selection, the difference between short- and long-term effects of transitional justice mechanisms, and qualitative and quantitative differences in state practices. This article uses a new database of transitional justice mechanisms to address these concerns and test propositions from realist, constructivist, and holistic approaches to this set of policy issues. We find, among other things, that prosecutions increase physical integrity protections, while amnesties increase the protection of civil and political rights. Our analysis suggests that different transnational justice policies each play a potentially positive, but distinct, role in new democracies and in decreasing violations of human rights.